| Populistisches Momentum? Lernen von Corbyn, Sanders, Mélenchon, Iglesias (Ein indirekter Kommentar zur Kampagne von #aufstehen)

Es ist die Zeit des Interregnums, noch immer. Im zehnten Jahr der großen Krise ist es in der Europäischen Union mittlerweile zu einer relativen ökonomischen Stabilisierung auf niedrigem Niveau gekommen, doch erlebten wir in vielen Ländern fortwirkende Umwälzungen des (partei)politischen Feldes. Mittlerweile ist auch die Stabilität in Deutschland vorüber, das politische Feld ist in Bewegung geraten. Ein Populismus von rechts bestimmt derzeit die politische Agenda. Vor dem Hintergrund einer mangelnden gesellschaftlichen Mobilisierung und der Fragmentierung der Mosaiklinken wird eine populistische Lücke auch auf der Linken vermutet, die es auszunutzen gelte. Die Frage ist, wie zu sammeln oder zu verbinden ist, bzw. wie ein populistisches Moment ein populares Projekt voranbringen könnte. Vielfach wird auf europäische und US-amerikanische Beispiele verwiesen. Was ist daraus zu lernen?
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| »Wenn wir von Klassenkämpfen nichts verstehen, dann verstehen wir überhaupt nichts«

Im Gespräch mit dem italienischen Autor und Aktivisten Lorenzo Marsili spricht Ken Loach über die Rolle von Kunst in Momenten politischer Transformation, die Entstehung der arbeitenden Klassen, die Bedeutung von Klassenkämpfen und radikaler Veränderung.

Das Interview wurde während der Dreharbeiten für DEMOS geführt, einem Dokumentarfilm, in dem Marsili zehn Jahre nach der Finanzkrise in ganz Europa Beispielen transnationaler Solidarität nachgeht. DEMOS kommt in Kürze in die Kinos. 

Lorenzo Marsili: Die Diskussion um die Rolle der Kunst im Kontext von politischem Wandel hat eine lange Geschichte. Derzeit durchleben wir eine große geopolitische Transformation und globale Desorientierung. Welche Vision hast du hinsichtlich der Rolle, die Kreativität in solch einem Moment spielen kann?

Ken Loach: In der Kunst trägst du lediglich die Verantwortung, die Wahrheit ans Licht zu bringen. Jeder Satz, der mit „die Kunst sollte…“ beginnt, wird falsch, weil er auf der Vorstellung oder Wahrnehmung derjenigen beruht, die schreiben oder malen oder beschreiben, welche Rolle Kunst spielen sollte. Wir müssen die grundlegenden Prinzipien herausstellen, nach denen Menschen in unterschiedlicher Weise zusammenleben können.
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| Feminism in Nigeria – By and for who?

To what extent does contemporary Nigerian feminism reflect Nigerian women’s realities?

I grew up in 1980s Lagos, in a chaotic but exciting city in a country which I love, but which struggles with a deeply ingrained male supremacist culture. Already as a child, I took notice and issue, that men had all the so-called “head” positions in our society; they were heads of state, heads of companies, heads of the army and heads of families. In school when we learnt about Nigerian history, we did not learn about notable people such as Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Margaret Ekpo, Charlotte Obasa, Oyinkan Abayomi or Queen Amina of Zazzau, or the many notable Nigerian women who played vital roles in shaping our nation.
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| Your Gender Is Yours, Proletarian! Queer Representations of Class in Folkbildningsterror

In leftist debate, queer identity politics and class politics tend to be dealt with separately. In real life, however, things are more complicated, as queer subjects always belong to social classes too. The precarious are neither all heterosexual, nor can they always be assigned to just one of two binary genders. Even in debates about connective class politics, queer perspectives are generally ignored. One problem in determining new class politics lies in the restrictedness of conceptualisations of (working) class subjects. Politics of representation – with their scope from aesthetic to political representation (Schaffer 2008, 83) – play an important part in this: Representation means depiction (Darstellung), conception (Vorstellung), and standing in for someone or something (Vertretung). These meanings are inextricably intertwined, inconceivable individually.
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Southerners On New Ground (SONG) is a regional Queer Liberation organization made up of people of color, immigrants, undocumented people, people with disabilities, working class and rural and small town, LGBTQ people in the South. We believe that we are bound together by a shared desire for ourselves, each other, and our communities to survive and thrive. We believe that Community Organizing is the best way for us to build collective power and transform the South. Out of this belief we are committed to building freedom movements rooted in southern traditions like community organizing, political education, storytelling, music, breaking bread, resistance, humor, performance, critical thinking, and celebration.
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Alex, you are actively involved with the platform »Keine Mehr« (Not One Less), whose aim is to bring the femicide debate to Germany. Why are you using the term femicide instead of talking about individual murders of women?

Femicide, or feminicide, is the killing of women and girls because of their gender. Every femicide involves the killing of a woman, but not every killing of a woman is a femicide. So it is not simply about differentiating between female and male victims.

Instead, the term is intended to make certain murders of women visible as a form of hate crime and to draw attention to the social context. On the one hand, this means understanding femicide as an extreme expression of unequal gender relations and a male desire to dominate. Numerous studies and reports have shown that the risk for women to be exposed to violence rises particularly when traditional gender arrangements are shifting – especially during and after a separation or divorce.
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| Holy Shit. Gender as a unifying theme for the Right

The AfD’s family and gender politics

Racism, hostility towards refugees and authoritarianism are crucial elements in the ideology of the AfD (“Alternative for Germany”), the new right-wing party which gained around 12% percent of the vote in the 2017 parliamentary elections. When people are scandalised by AfD statements and actions, the focus is usually on these topics. They are central to the public image of the party and its parliamentary group also because the AfD links nearly all policies to the issue of immigration. At the same time there is a polarity within the AfD between the neo-fascist right and the national-liberal centre, mostly around where it stands on the social question. The right of the party is ethnicizing the issue of social conflict, while the centre puts emphasis on a nationalist policy of market radicalism. This dichotomy that is also closely linked to power relations within the party is bridged and blurred by an overarching broad consensus in another field. The issue of family and gender politics is crucial for the party’s ideology and articulated in a fiercly antifeminist way.
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| Gender as symbolic glue. How ‘gender’ became an umbrella term for the rejection of the (neo)liberal order

‘Nevertheless one may say of it that it fiddles while Rome burns. It is excused by two facts: it does not know that it fiddles, and it does not know that Rome burns.’ (Leo Strauss)

In his contemplations on political science in Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968), Leo Strauss described the condition of political science through scathing references to the Emperor Nero, supposed to have been playing a fiddle as Rome burned. This analogy metaphor is an accurate reflection of the progressive elites of the post-Brexit, post-Trump era; they maintain a business-as-usual attitude while the foundations of liberal democracy are challenged.
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| Ragpicking Through History: Class Memory, Class Struggle and its Archivists

In 1990, I watched the Polish film maker Krzysztof Kieślowski’s Blind Chance (1981/1987) without registering the paralyzing potential of a particular scene.

The protagonist, Witek, meets an old Communist by chance on a train. As a result of that meeting Witek decides to join the Communist Party. Later, again by sheer chance, he runs into an ex-partner, also his first love. A beautiful, tender and fierce sex scene follows. In the calm of the after, Witek, almost absentmindedly, whistles the Internationale. His partner murmurs something approvingly. And then Witek says ‘How would you like it if I sang this everyday?’ The young woman recoils. She knows he has joined ‘The Party’. She leaves the room and his life.
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| From #MeToo to #WeStrike. A Politics in Feminine

A year before #MeToo erupted in the United States, women in Argentina were fighting against an epidemic of violence against women in which, on average, one woman was killed every thirty hours. At noon on October 19, 2016, thousands of women all over the country walked out of their jobs and stopped doing unpaid housework, as well as carrying out the emotional work required of political organizing. The strike was Argentinian women’s response to the growing number of femicides in the country, and specifically to the brutal murder of the young Lucía Pérez. But in their call to strike, they connected the many forms of violence that women experience in an economic system based on their oppression and exploitation:
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